https://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:Transnationalised_Repression_Parafascism_and_the_US&feed=atom&action=historyDocument:Transnationalised Repression Parafascism and the US - Revision history2024-03-28T15:15:58ZRevision history for this page on the wikiMediaWiki 1.33.2https://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:Transnationalised_Repression_Parafascism_and_the_US&diff=159334&oldid=prevRobin: links2019-05-05T15:52:21Z<p>links</p>
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">← Older revision</td>
<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">Revision as of 15:52, 5 May 2019</td>
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<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In the [[1960s]] CIA clashes with SAC and SDECE had been frequent - specifically in Katanga and Haiti - and the 1970-73 U.S.-French anti-narcotics campaign coincides almost exactly with the dates (December 1970 - July 1973) of the clearly illegal collaboration of the CIA with the BNDD in the U.S.. {{ref|137}} In this same period [[Charles Pasqua]], founder of SAC, recruiter of SAC gangsters like [[Christian David]], and the former overseer in private business of the narcotics trafficker [[Jean Venturi]], emerged as President of the [[French Parliamentary Commission on Narcotics Problems]] {{ref|138}}. There he was joined by a veteran cold war warrior and participant in WACL-group meetings, Mme. Suzanne Labin.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In the [[1960s]] CIA clashes with SAC and SDECE had been frequent - specifically in Katanga and Haiti - and the 1970-73 U.S.-French anti-narcotics campaign coincides almost exactly with the dates (December 1970 - July 1973) of the clearly illegal collaboration of the CIA with the BNDD in the U.S.. {{ref|137}} In this same period [[Charles Pasqua]], founder of SAC, recruiter of SAC gangsters like [[Christian David]], and the former overseer in private business of the narcotics trafficker [[Jean Venturi]], emerged as President of the [[French Parliamentary Commission on Narcotics Problems]] {{ref|138}}. There he was joined by a veteran cold war warrior and participant in WACL-group meetings, Mme. Suzanne Labin.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>All accounts of the SDECE-SAC purges of 1970-74 agree that the purpose was not to neutralise these agencies but merely to make them more amenable to central oversight in a less militant period. The by-product of an intensified international milieu pullulating with private arms merchants and mercenary operations networks also suited the mature phase of French 'decolonisation' in which the SDECE and SAC - having organised many of the most spectacular African assassinations and kidnappings of the [[1960s]] - were now only too happy to assume a lower profile. Pompidou's political patrons - most notably the Rothschild family with their huge complex of African investments - could, in future, have their corporations exploit this international milieu without governmental supervision.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>All accounts of the <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>SDECE<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]]</ins>-SAC purges of 1970-74 agree that the purpose was not to neutralise these agencies but merely to make them more amenable to central oversight in a less militant period. The by-product of an intensified international milieu pullulating with private arms merchants and mercenary operations networks also suited the mature phase of French 'decolonisation' in which the SDECE and SAC - having organised many of the most spectacular African assassinations and kidnappings of the [[1960s]] - were now only too happy to assume a lower profile. Pompidou's political patrons - most notably the Rothschild family with their huge complex of African investments - could, in future, have their corporations exploit this international milieu without governmental supervision.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>A similar process, culminating in a similar privatisation of covert operations assets, can be discerned in the recent history of America, particularly since Watergate. Here too, although much less is known, there has been a purge of CIA, a dispersal of former CIA Cuban operatives into new multinational networks, and a number of what appear to be controlled selective arrests of former CIA agents who had been driven into narcotics trafficking with the Ricord network. Both a Presidential Commission and a [[Senate Select Committee]] have encouraged this process of disposal by their partial revelations; and it is probably significant that a member of the former, former [[Treasury Secretary]] [[C. Douglas Dillon]], chaired the 1968 secret Council on Foreign Relations panel which recommended that the CIA should move to a lower profile.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>A similar process, culminating in a similar privatisation of covert operations assets, can be discerned in the recent history of America, particularly since Watergate. Here too, although much less is known, there has been a purge of CIA, a dispersal of former CIA Cuban operatives into new multinational networks, and a number of what appear to be controlled selective arrests of former CIA agents who had been driven into narcotics trafficking with the Ricord network. Both a Presidential Commission and a [[Senate Select Committee]] have encouraged this process of disposal by their partial revelations; and it is probably significant that a member of the former, former [[Treasury Secretary]] [[C. Douglas Dillon]], chaired the 1968 secret Council on Foreign Relations panel which recommended that the CIA should move to a lower profile.</div></td></tr>
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<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>*(c) the training, equipping and rewarding of anti-government elements in the police and military who made little or no secret of their intentions. In particular the Thai Border Patrol Police, now trained and equipped by the DEA in place of the CIA, were the principal murders of the unarmed Thai students at Thammasat University, killing at least one hundred. {{ref|142}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>*(c) the training, equipping and rewarding of anti-government elements in the police and military who made little or no secret of their intentions. In particular the Thai Border Patrol Police, now trained and equipped by the DEA in place of the CIA, were the principal murders of the unarmed Thai students at Thammasat University, killing at least one hundred. {{ref|142}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Only one month later the U.S. government, under its International Narcotics Control Programme, delivered five new helicopters to the Thai Border Patrol Police "to help the police hunt down narcotics traffickers".{{ref|143}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Only one month later the U.S. government, under its <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>International Narcotics Control<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] </ins>Programme, delivered five new helicopters to the Thai Border Patrol Police "to help the police hunt down narcotics traffickers".{{ref|143}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Even if the Thai BPP are no longer, as in the past, profiting themselves from the movement of drugs out of the 'golden triangle', their activities will certainly be political. The new Deputy Prime Minister in charge of the Thai anti-narcotics campaign, Amporn Chanvijit, is a product of the Thai Defence School of Psychological Warfare. {{ref|144}} But then, if the CIA had suffered any remorse after the bloody 'Operation Djakartas' of Indonesia (1965) and Chile (1973), it would not have in the latter year sent Bernardo Hugh Tovar, the 1965 CIA Station Chief in Djakarta, and a veteran of student operations there, to preside over a third bloody coup followed by extermination in Bangkok.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Even if the Thai BPP are no longer, as in the past, profiting themselves from the movement of drugs out of the 'golden triangle', their activities will certainly be political. The new Deputy Prime Minister in charge of the Thai anti-narcotics campaign, <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Amporn Chanvijit<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]]</ins>, is a product of the Thai Defence School of Psychological Warfare. {{ref|144}} But then, if the CIA had suffered any remorse after the bloody 'Operation Djakartas' of Indonesia (1965) and Chile (1973), it would not have in the latter year sent <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Bernardo Hugh Tovar<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]]</ins>, the 1965 CIA Station Chief in Djakarta, and a veteran of student operations there, to preside over a third bloody coup followed by extermination in <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Bangkok<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]]</ins>.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In Latin America, as in Thailand, INC and DEA aid to foreign police is channelled (like OPS and CIA before it) to the leading counter-insurgency forces. This is not just because guerrillas and narcotics are to be found together in the same inaccessible mountainous regions. It is because the war against highly-organised narcotics activities requires a special breed of killer-police which, in unstable countries, are certain to be deployed against enemies of the regime. This is rationalised by the ideology of counter-insurgency, which assumes that guerrillas and traffickers are part of the same anti-state culture. Thus Lopez Rega's statement in 1974 that guerrillas are dope users was echoed in 1977 by Argentine Foreign Minister Cesar Guzzetti. Speaking of the drug problem, he proclaimed that "we attack its body through the war against guerrillas and its spirit through the war against drug traffic, both carriers of nihilistic and collectivist ideas". {{ref|145}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In Latin America, as in Thailand, INC and <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>DEA<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] </ins>aid to foreign police is channelled (like OPS and CIA before it) to the leading counter-insurgency forces. This is not just because guerrillas and narcotics are to be found together in the same inaccessible mountainous regions. It is because the war against highly-organised narcotics activities requires a special breed of killer-police which, in unstable countries, are certain to be deployed against enemies of the regime. This is rationalised by the ideology of counter-insurgency, which assumes that guerrillas and traffickers are part of the same anti-state culture. Thus Lopez Rega's statement in 1974 that guerrillas are dope users was echoed in 1977 by Argentine Foreign Minister Cesar Guzzetti. Speaking of the drug problem, he proclaimed that "we attack its body through the war against guerrillas and its spirit through the war against drug traffic, both carriers of nihilistic and collectivist ideas". {{ref|145}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The U.S. officials of INC and DEA know all this, and evidently approve of it. The two years of AAA counter-terror in Argentina under Lopez Rega (1973-75) saw a sudden upsurge of INC support expenditure from $20,000 in fiscal year 1972-74 (before Rega's rise to power) to $428,000, falling again to $20,000 in fiscal 1976 (after his fall). In Argentina, as in Thailand, the bulk of this increase went to spotter aircraft for the Border Patrol (even though Argentina, unlike Thailand, is not a major source of any drug at all). A recent DEA report on U.S.-sponsored narcotics operations in Mexico, which are concentrated in the northern mountain areas favoured by left-wing forces, notes approvingly that "the special impact units made numerous criminal arrests" and that roadblocks netted "several persons on 'most wanted listings' ".{{ref|146}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The U.S. officials of INC and DEA know all this, and evidently approve of it. The two years of AAA counter-terror in Argentina under Lopez Rega (1973-75) saw a sudden upsurge of INC support expenditure from $20,000 in fiscal year 1972-74 (before Rega's rise to power) to $428,000, falling again to $20,000 in fiscal 1976 (after his fall). In Argentina, as in Thailand, the bulk of this increase went to spotter aircraft for the Border Patrol (even though Argentina, unlike Thailand, is not a major source of any drug at all). A recent DEA report on U.S.-sponsored narcotics operations in Mexico, which are concentrated in the northern mountain areas favoured by left-wing forces, notes approvingly that "the special impact units made numerous criminal arrests" and that roadblocks netted "several persons on 'most wanted listings' ".{{ref|146}}</div></td></tr>
</table>Robinhttps://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:Transnationalised_Repression_Parafascism_and_the_US&diff=139788&oldid=prevRobin: Text replacement - " perjury" to " perjury"2018-02-11T13:50:16Z<p>Text replacement - " perjury" to " <a href="/wiki/Perjury" title="Perjury">perjury</a>"</p>
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">← Older revision</td>
<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">Revision as of 13:50, 11 February 2018</td>
</tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l94" >Line 94:</td>
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<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>These plans for organised governmental violence were by no means wholly forestalled by the timely exposure of Hunt's Cubans at the July 17 1972 Watergate break-in. Some of them have survived Nixon's fall from power and are today officially established under the guidance of narcotics control. To see how this could happen, however, we must look at the co-ordinated use of ex-CIA assets for 'black operations' which followed the Watergate arrests.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>These plans for organised governmental violence were by no means wholly forestalled by the timely exposure of Hunt's Cubans at the July 17 1972 Watergate break-in. Some of them have survived Nixon's fall from power and are today officially established under the guidance of narcotics control. To see how this could happen, however, we must look at the co-ordinated use of ex-CIA assets for 'black operations' which followed the Watergate arrests.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>One Watergate-related Nixon horror never investigated by either the Ervin or the [[Church Committee]] was the use of Hunt's ex-CIA Cuban, Pablo Fernandez, as a provocateur planning to protest at the 1972 Republican Convention in Miami. Fernandez, who in May 1972 had been recruited by Hunt's aid Barker to 'get' [[Daniel Ellsberg]] at an anti-war rally in Washington - whether by merely punching him or possibly by more serious violence, is not clear. In June and July, under the overall guidance of Robert Mardian at the Justice Department's Internal Security Division, Fernandez, working with the Miami Police and the FBI, was recruited to offer machine guns to the Vietnam Veterans Against the War, in the hope that this would produce some sort of overt act of violence. A Miami police detective later confirmed to the Miami Herald that 'We were hoping for the overt act necessary to produce a charge of conspiracy". {{ref|41}} The ensuing court case against Scott Camil and the other VVAW leaders saw apparent perjury by a Justice Department representative on the subject of government informants, and a break-in at the office of Camil's lawyer which (in the words of the Times correspondent, Anthony Lukas) is one of many unsolved break-ins which "may have been carried out by 'contract' operatives hired by the CIA". {{ref|42}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>One Watergate-related Nixon horror never investigated by either the Ervin or the [[Church Committee]] was the use of Hunt's ex-CIA Cuban, Pablo Fernandez, as a provocateur planning to protest at the 1972 Republican Convention in Miami. Fernandez, who in May 1972 had been recruited by Hunt's aid Barker to 'get' [[Daniel Ellsberg]] at an anti-war rally in Washington - whether by merely punching him or possibly by more serious violence, is not clear. In June and July, under the overall guidance of Robert Mardian at the Justice Department's Internal Security Division, Fernandez, working with the Miami Police and the FBI, was recruited to offer machine guns to the Vietnam Veterans Against the War, in the hope that this would produce some sort of overt act of violence. A Miami police detective later confirmed to the Miami Herald that 'We were hoping for the overt act necessary to produce a charge of conspiracy". {{ref|41}} The ensuing court case against Scott Camil and the other VVAW leaders saw apparent <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>perjury<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] </ins>by a Justice Department representative on the subject of government informants, and a break-in at the office of Camil's lawyer which (in the words of the Times correspondent, Anthony Lukas) is one of many unsolved break-ins which "may have been carried out by 'contract' operatives hired by the CIA". {{ref|42}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>[[Scott Camil]] himself, after being acquitted along with the other VVAW defendants, was reindicted after being first set up and then shot and almost killed by DEA narcotics agents. (The national establishment media, whose attention helped expose the false government testimony by the Nixon administration at the first trial, showed little interest in the second.) But Camil was only one instance where the government's expanded '[[war on drugs]]' was used, at least under Nixon, to harass selected political targets - and possibly in support of major CIA covert operations against countries like [[Cyprus]], [[Argentina]], [[Lebanon]] and [[Chile]].</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>[[Scott Camil]] himself, after being acquitted along with the other VVAW defendants, was reindicted after being first set up and then shot and almost killed by DEA narcotics agents. (The national establishment media, whose attention helped expose the false government testimony by the Nixon administration at the first trial, showed little interest in the second.) But Camil was only one instance where the government's expanded '[[war on drugs]]' was used, at least under Nixon, to harass selected political targets - and possibly in support of major CIA covert operations against countries like [[Cyprus]], [[Argentina]], [[Lebanon]] and [[Chile]].</div></td></tr>
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<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>==References==</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>==References==</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|1}}. In fact three assassins were apprehended and served token sentences. The ringleader, [[Michael Townley]] became a federal witness and was given ten years with credit for time served; he was paroled some two years after sentencing. A. U.S. Federal court also refused to extradite him to Argentina to stand trial for the murder of the Chilean [[General Prats]]. Two of his accomplices were initially given life sentences but these were thrown out on appeal; the two were subsequently acquitted of murder, though one, Guillermo Novo, was convicted, along with his brother, of perjury. A cynic might note that the case was only "solved" and Townley located, after Pinochet, under pressure from Carter and Chilean bankers, had begun to crack down on Townley's employers, the Chilean secret police, DINA. cf. [[John Dinges]] and [[Saul Landau]], Assassination on Embassy Row (New York, Pantheon, 1980); Taylor Branch and Eugene M. Propper Labyrinth (New York, Viking, 1982)</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|1}}. In fact three assassins were apprehended and served token sentences. The ringleader, [[Michael Townley]] became a federal witness and was given ten years with credit for time served; he was paroled some two years after sentencing. A. U.S. Federal court also refused to extradite him to Argentina to stand trial for the murder of the Chilean [[General Prats]]. Two of his accomplices were initially given life sentences but these were thrown out on appeal; the two were subsequently acquitted of murder, though one, Guillermo Novo, was convicted, along with his brother, of <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>perjury<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]]</ins>. A cynic might note that the case was only "solved" and Townley located, after Pinochet, under pressure from Carter and Chilean bankers, had begun to crack down on Townley's employers, the Chilean secret police, DINA. cf. [[John Dinges]] and [[Saul Landau]], Assassination on Embassy Row (New York, Pantheon, 1980); Taylor Branch and Eugene M. Propper Labyrinth (New York, Viking, 1982)</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|2}}. Guenther Reinhardt, Crime Without Punishment: the Secret Soviet Terror Against America (New York, Hermitage House, 1952): pp80-83.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|2}}. Guenther Reinhardt, Crime Without Punishment: the Secret Soviet Terror Against America (New York, Hermitage House, 1952): pp80-83.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|3}}. Life, September 8 1967, p101.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|3}}. Life, September 8 1967, p101.</div></td></tr>
</table>Robinhttps://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:Transnationalised_Repression_Parafascism_and_the_US&diff=139392&oldid=prevRobin: Text replacement - "guerilla" to "guerrilla"2018-01-29T22:03:43Z<p>Text replacement - "guerilla" to "guerrilla"</p>
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">Revision as of 22:03, 29 January 2018</td>
</tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l159" >Line 159:</td>
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<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>As [[State Department]] Narcotics adviser [[Sheldon Vance]] testified in 1976, the U.S. maintains no control over the disposition which the receiving country will make of the equipment and trainees. In fact, from [[Mexico]] to [[Argentina]], receiving countries - following the example of [[Richard Nixon]] in the United States - have not hesitated to use narcotics aid to deal with domestic insurgency, by the simple expedient of identifying insurgents with narcotics. In May 1974, at a special press conference to publicise the stepped-up U.S.-Argentine anti-narcotics program, Argentine Security Chief [[Lopez Rega]] announced (in the presence of U.S. Ambassador [[Robert Hill]]):</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>As [[State Department]] Narcotics adviser [[Sheldon Vance]] testified in 1976, the U.S. maintains no control over the disposition which the receiving country will make of the equipment and trainees. In fact, from [[Mexico]] to [[Argentina]], receiving countries - following the example of [[Richard Nixon]] in the United States - have not hesitated to use narcotics aid to deal with domestic insurgency, by the simple expedient of identifying insurgents with narcotics. In May 1974, at a special press conference to publicise the stepped-up U.S.-Argentine anti-narcotics program, Argentine Security Chief [[Lopez Rega]] announced (in the presence of U.S. Ambassador [[Robert Hill]]):</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>{{QB|</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>{{QB|</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>We hope to wipe out the drug traffic in Argentina. We have caught <del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">guerillas </del>after attacks who were high on drugs. Guerrillas are the main users of drugs in Argentina. Therefore, the anti-drug campaign will automatically be an anti-<del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">guerilla </del>campaign as well.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>We hope to wipe out the drug traffic in Argentina. We have caught <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">guerrillas </ins>after attacks who were high on drugs. Guerrillas are the main users of drugs in Argentina. Therefore, the anti-drug campaign will automatically be an anti-<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">guerrilla </ins>campaign as well.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Soon afterwards, a visiting DEA team held training seminars for 150 Argentine policemen, while the Argentine penal code was amended to give the Federal Police direct nation-wide jurisdiction to make investigations and arrests in narcotics-related cases. {{ref|65}} The latter development, if not the former, seems to have been important to the development of Lopez Rega's dreaded 'death squads' of 1974-5, the Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance (AAA). Like the White House Cubans, these squads specialised in extra-legal kidnappings and murders. Dozens and perhaps hundreds of leftists were killed by the AAA before Lopez Rega, whose responsibility was established by an Argentine Congressional investigation, was forced to leave the country as a fugitive in the Fall of 1975.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Soon afterwards, a visiting DEA team held training seminars for 150 Argentine policemen, while the Argentine penal code was amended to give the Federal Police direct nation-wide jurisdiction to make investigations and arrests in narcotics-related cases. {{ref|65}} The latter development, if not the former, seems to have been important to the development of Lopez Rega's dreaded 'death squads' of 1974-5, the Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance (AAA). Like the White House Cubans, these squads specialised in extra-legal kidnappings and murders. Dozens and perhaps hundreds of leftists were killed by the AAA before Lopez Rega, whose responsibility was established by an Argentine Congressional investigation, was forced to leave the country as a fugitive in the Fall of 1975.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l168" >Line 168:</td>
<td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Line 168:</td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>CIA defector [[Philip Agee]] has charged that the Brazilian dictatorship, established with U.S. encouragement and participation in 1964, was, in turn, responsible for the spread of fascism to Bolivia in 1971, Uruguay in February 1973, and Chile in September 1973. {{ref|68}} Recent French books report that in this same general period former French members of the anti-Gaullist Secret Army (OAS), along with their opposite numbers from the pro-Gaullist barbouzes, worked for the security forces of [[Brazil]], [[Bolivia]] and [[Uruguay]] ... and [[Venezuela]] and [[Argentina]], where the Peronists returned to power in May 1973. Among the rewards sought by these men were diplomatic passports, for some of these Frenchmen were working simultaneously as part of the international Ricord narcotics network. {{ref|69}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>CIA defector [[Philip Agee]] has charged that the Brazilian dictatorship, established with U.S. encouragement and participation in 1964, was, in turn, responsible for the spread of fascism to Bolivia in 1971, Uruguay in February 1973, and Chile in September 1973. {{ref|68}} Recent French books report that in this same general period former French members of the anti-Gaullist Secret Army (OAS), along with their opposite numbers from the pro-Gaullist barbouzes, worked for the security forces of [[Brazil]], [[Bolivia]] and [[Uruguay]] ... and [[Venezuela]] and [[Argentina]], where the Peronists returned to power in May 1973. Among the rewards sought by these men were diplomatic passports, for some of these Frenchmen were working simultaneously as part of the international Ricord narcotics network. {{ref|69}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>One key figure in this network was Christian David, of whom a U.S. account blandly notes "reports that he infiltrated Uruguay's Tupamaro <del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">guerillas </del>and identified several for the police". {{ref|70}} French accounts add that David, based in Argentina and possessing an Argentine diplomatic passport in the name of Carlos Eduardo Devreux- Bergeret, also collaborated regularly with the Argentine and Brazilian political police in conjunction with the French intelligence service. {{ref|71}} An encyclopaedic study of David by the Danish journalist [[Henrik Kruger]] speculates that David's activities (which also included projects in Venezuela and Bolivia) were also co-ordinated with CIA, noting that CIA-OPS agents [[Dan Mitrione]] and [[Claude Fry]] were advising the anti- Tupamaro effort. {{ref|72}}.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>One key figure in this network was Christian David, of whom a U.S. account blandly notes "reports that he infiltrated Uruguay's Tupamaro <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">guerrillas </ins>and identified several for the police". {{ref|70}} French accounts add that David, based in Argentina and possessing an Argentine diplomatic passport in the name of Carlos Eduardo Devreux- Bergeret, also collaborated regularly with the Argentine and Brazilian political police in conjunction with the French intelligence service. {{ref|71}} An encyclopaedic study of David by the Danish journalist [[Henrik Kruger]] speculates that David's activities (which also included projects in Venezuela and Bolivia) were also co-ordinated with CIA, noting that CIA-OPS agents [[Dan Mitrione]] and [[Claude Fry]] were advising the anti- Tupamaro effort. {{ref|72}}.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In Argentina David worked under the direction of the OAS veteran Francois Chiappe, another member of the Ricord gang. {{ref|73}}. In 1972 Chiappe and David were both arrested in BNDD's crackdown on the Ricord network; Chiappe, however, was liberated 'by error' when the Peronistas came to power in Argentina with the election of Hector Campora in May 1973. Shortly afterwards, under the command of Lopez Riga's close subordinate Colonel Jorge Osinde, Chiappe and Colonel Gardes, another OAS veteran, took part in the Ezeizi airport massacre of June 20 1973.{{ref|74}} The same article that explored Lopez Rega's links to the cocaine traffic claimed that the cocaine moved north from the Salta estancia to Paraguay, the former headquarters of Ricord, where "one of Lopez Rega's closest allies, Colonel Jorge Sinde, became Ambassador". The cocaine there was handled by General Andres Rodriguez, who, according to Jack Anderson, was one of the three top Paraguayan officials who had worked directly with Ricord. {{ref|75}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In Argentina David worked under the direction of the OAS veteran Francois Chiappe, another member of the Ricord gang. {{ref|73}}. In 1972 Chiappe and David were both arrested in BNDD's crackdown on the Ricord network; Chiappe, however, was liberated 'by error' when the Peronistas came to power in Argentina with the election of Hector Campora in May 1973. Shortly afterwards, under the command of Lopez Riga's close subordinate Colonel Jorge Osinde, Chiappe and Colonel Gardes, another OAS veteran, took part in the Ezeizi airport massacre of June 20 1973.{{ref|74}} The same article that explored Lopez Rega's links to the cocaine traffic claimed that the cocaine moved north from the Salta estancia to Paraguay, the former headquarters of Ricord, where "one of Lopez Rega's closest allies, Colonel Jorge Sinde, became Ambassador". The cocaine there was handled by General Andres Rodriguez, who, according to Jack Anderson, was one of the three top Paraguayan officials who had worked directly with Ricord. {{ref|75}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l336" >Line 336:</td>
<td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Line 336:</td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Even if the Thai BPP are no longer, as in the past, profiting themselves from the movement of drugs out of the 'golden triangle', their activities will certainly be political. The new Deputy Prime Minister in charge of the Thai anti-narcotics campaign, Amporn Chanvijit, is a product of the Thai Defence School of Psychological Warfare. {{ref|144}} But then, if the CIA had suffered any remorse after the bloody 'Operation Djakartas' of Indonesia (1965) and Chile (1973), it would not have in the latter year sent Bernardo Hugh Tovar, the 1965 CIA Station Chief in Djakarta, and a veteran of student operations there, to preside over a third bloody coup followed by extermination in Bangkok.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Even if the Thai BPP are no longer, as in the past, profiting themselves from the movement of drugs out of the 'golden triangle', their activities will certainly be political. The new Deputy Prime Minister in charge of the Thai anti-narcotics campaign, Amporn Chanvijit, is a product of the Thai Defence School of Psychological Warfare. {{ref|144}} But then, if the CIA had suffered any remorse after the bloody 'Operation Djakartas' of Indonesia (1965) and Chile (1973), it would not have in the latter year sent Bernardo Hugh Tovar, the 1965 CIA Station Chief in Djakarta, and a veteran of student operations there, to preside over a third bloody coup followed by extermination in Bangkok.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In Latin America, as in Thailand, INC and DEA aid to foreign police is channelled (like OPS and CIA before it) to the leading counter-insurgency forces. This is not just because <del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">guerillas </del>and narcotics are to be found together in the same inaccessible mountainous regions. It is because the war against highly-organised narcotics activities requires a special breed of killer-police which, in unstable countries, are certain to be deployed against enemies of the regime. This is rationalised by the ideology of counter-insurgency, which assumes that <del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">guerillas </del>and traffickers are part of the same anti-state culture. Thus Lopez Rega's statement in 1974 that <del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">guerillas </del>are dope users was echoed in 1977 by Argentine Foreign Minister Cesar Guzzetti. Speaking of the drug problem, he proclaimed that "we attack its body through the war against <del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">guerillas </del>and its spirit through the war against drug traffic, both carriers of nihilistic and collectivist ideas". {{ref|145}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In Latin America, as in Thailand, INC and DEA aid to foreign police is channelled (like OPS and CIA before it) to the leading counter-insurgency forces. This is not just because <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">guerrillas </ins>and narcotics are to be found together in the same inaccessible mountainous regions. It is because the war against highly-organised narcotics activities requires a special breed of killer-police which, in unstable countries, are certain to be deployed against enemies of the regime. This is rationalised by the ideology of counter-insurgency, which assumes that <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">guerrillas </ins>and traffickers are part of the same anti-state culture. Thus Lopez Rega's statement in 1974 that <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">guerrillas </ins>are dope users was echoed in 1977 by Argentine Foreign Minister Cesar Guzzetti. Speaking of the drug problem, he proclaimed that "we attack its body through the war against <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">guerrillas </ins>and its spirit through the war against drug traffic, both carriers of nihilistic and collectivist ideas". {{ref|145}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The U.S. officials of INC and DEA know all this, and evidently approve of it. The two years of AAA counter-terror in Argentina under Lopez Rega (1973-75) saw a sudden upsurge of INC support expenditure from $20,000 in fiscal year 1972-74 (before Rega's rise to power) to $428,000, falling again to $20,000 in fiscal 1976 (after his fall). In Argentina, as in Thailand, the bulk of this increase went to spotter aircraft for the Border Patrol (even though Argentina, unlike Thailand, is not a major source of any drug at all). A recent DEA report on U.S.-sponsored narcotics operations in Mexico, which are concentrated in the northern mountain areas favoured by left-wing forces, notes approvingly that "the special impact units made numerous criminal arrests" and that roadblocks netted "several persons on 'most wanted listings' ".{{ref|146}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The U.S. officials of INC and DEA know all this, and evidently approve of it. The two years of AAA counter-terror in Argentina under Lopez Rega (1973-75) saw a sudden upsurge of INC support expenditure from $20,000 in fiscal year 1972-74 (before Rega's rise to power) to $428,000, falling again to $20,000 in fiscal 1976 (after his fall). In Argentina, as in Thailand, the bulk of this increase went to spotter aircraft for the Border Patrol (even though Argentina, unlike Thailand, is not a major source of any drug at all). A recent DEA report on U.S.-sponsored narcotics operations in Mexico, which are concentrated in the northern mountain areas favoured by left-wing forces, notes approvingly that "the special impact units made numerous criminal arrests" and that roadblocks netted "several persons on 'most wanted listings' ".{{ref|146}}</div></td></tr>
</table>Robinhttps://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:Transnationalised_Repression_Parafascism_and_the_US&diff=139366&oldid=prevRobin: Text replacement - "Guerilla" to "Guerrilla"2018-01-29T21:54:32Z<p>Text replacement - "Guerilla" to "Guerrilla"</p>
<table class="diff diff-contentalign-left" data-mw="interface">
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">← Older revision</td>
<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">Revision as of 21:54, 29 January 2018</td>
</tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l159" >Line 159:</td>
<td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Line 159:</td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>As [[State Department]] Narcotics adviser [[Sheldon Vance]] testified in 1976, the U.S. maintains no control over the disposition which the receiving country will make of the equipment and trainees. In fact, from [[Mexico]] to [[Argentina]], receiving countries - following the example of [[Richard Nixon]] in the United States - have not hesitated to use narcotics aid to deal with domestic insurgency, by the simple expedient of identifying insurgents with narcotics. In May 1974, at a special press conference to publicise the stepped-up U.S.-Argentine anti-narcotics program, Argentine Security Chief [[Lopez Rega]] announced (in the presence of U.S. Ambassador [[Robert Hill]]):</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>As [[State Department]] Narcotics adviser [[Sheldon Vance]] testified in 1976, the U.S. maintains no control over the disposition which the receiving country will make of the equipment and trainees. In fact, from [[Mexico]] to [[Argentina]], receiving countries - following the example of [[Richard Nixon]] in the United States - have not hesitated to use narcotics aid to deal with domestic insurgency, by the simple expedient of identifying insurgents with narcotics. In May 1974, at a special press conference to publicise the stepped-up U.S.-Argentine anti-narcotics program, Argentine Security Chief [[Lopez Rega]] announced (in the presence of U.S. Ambassador [[Robert Hill]]):</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>{{QB|</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>{{QB|</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>We hope to wipe out the drug traffic in Argentina. We have caught guerillas after attacks who were high on drugs. <del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">Guerillas </del>are the main users of drugs in Argentina. Therefore, the anti-drug campaign will automatically be an anti-guerilla campaign as well.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>We hope to wipe out the drug traffic in Argentina. We have caught guerillas after attacks who were high on drugs. <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">Guerrillas </ins>are the main users of drugs in Argentina. Therefore, the anti-drug campaign will automatically be an anti-guerilla campaign as well.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Soon afterwards, a visiting DEA team held training seminars for 150 Argentine policemen, while the Argentine penal code was amended to give the Federal Police direct nation-wide jurisdiction to make investigations and arrests in narcotics-related cases. {{ref|65}} The latter development, if not the former, seems to have been important to the development of Lopez Rega's dreaded 'death squads' of 1974-5, the Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance (AAA). Like the White House Cubans, these squads specialised in extra-legal kidnappings and murders. Dozens and perhaps hundreds of leftists were killed by the AAA before Lopez Rega, whose responsibility was established by an Argentine Congressional investigation, was forced to leave the country as a fugitive in the Fall of 1975.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Soon afterwards, a visiting DEA team held training seminars for 150 Argentine policemen, while the Argentine penal code was amended to give the Federal Police direct nation-wide jurisdiction to make investigations and arrests in narcotics-related cases. {{ref|65}} The latter development, if not the former, seems to have been important to the development of Lopez Rega's dreaded 'death squads' of 1974-5, the Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance (AAA). Like the White House Cubans, these squads specialised in extra-legal kidnappings and murders. Dozens and perhaps hundreds of leftists were killed by the AAA before Lopez Rega, whose responsibility was established by an Argentine Congressional investigation, was forced to leave the country as a fugitive in the Fall of 1975.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l262" >Line 262:</td>
<td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Line 262:</td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>===International Fascista in Action===</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>===International Fascista in Action===</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Orlando Bosch's most recent umbrella alliance, CORU (Co-ordination of United Revolutionary Organisations) had just been assembled in June 1976. In October 1976, according to Kruger, CORU representatives attended meetings in [[Barcelona]], Spain, which established a new International Fascista. This comprised elements from the Italian MSI (the Ordine Nuovo of [[Pino Rauti]] and [[Giovanni Ventura]]), Argentine fascists, the hard-liners of the Spanish Falange (the Fuerza Neuva of deputy Blas Pinar), the Cristi Rey <del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">Guerillas </del>of the right-wing and anti-Vatican Spanish Catholic [[Mariano Sanchez Covisa]], Cuban exile terrorists, the remnants of Aginter Press (now known as the ELP, or Portuguese Liberation Army, but still headed by OAS veteran Yves Guerin-Serac), and - always according to Kruger - former terrorist agents of the Skorzeny-von Schubert Paladingruppe and of the CIA. {{ref|115}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Orlando Bosch's most recent umbrella alliance, CORU (Co-ordination of United Revolutionary Organisations) had just been assembled in June 1976. In October 1976, according to Kruger, CORU representatives attended meetings in [[Barcelona]], Spain, which established a new International Fascista. This comprised elements from the Italian MSI (the Ordine Nuovo of [[Pino Rauti]] and [[Giovanni Ventura]]), Argentine fascists, the hard-liners of the Spanish Falange (the Fuerza Neuva of deputy Blas Pinar), the Cristi Rey <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">Guerrillas </ins>of the right-wing and anti-Vatican Spanish Catholic [[Mariano Sanchez Covisa]], Cuban exile terrorists, the remnants of Aginter Press (now known as the ELP, or Portuguese Liberation Army, but still headed by OAS veteran Yves Guerin-Serac), and - always according to Kruger - former terrorist agents of the Skorzeny-von Schubert Paladingruppe and of the CIA. {{ref|115}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In January and February 1977, according to the ''New York'' and ''London Times'', members or associates of the first five groups were arrested by Spanish police for their role in six terrorist murders designed to prevent the forthcoming Spanish general election. Noting the persistent stories in the Spanish press (particularly the liberal ''[[El Pais]]'') "of the so-called Fascist International", the New York Times reported the arrest of the Argentine fascist Jorge Cesarsky, linked to both the Fuerza Nueva and to "the right-wing Peronism", and later of his colleague Carlos Perez, a Cuban exile. {{ref|116}} Cesarsky is said to have been a member of the Argentina AAA (Alianza Anticommunista de Argentina) and the next day a new Spanish AAA (Alianza Anticomunista Apostolica) claimed responsibility for his crime. {{ref|117}} He was detained as part of a group of twenty-four rightists reported to be of at least six nationalities, including seven Argentines and three Cubans. {{ref|118}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In January and February 1977, according to the ''New York'' and ''London Times'', members or associates of the first five groups were arrested by Spanish police for their role in six terrorist murders designed to prevent the forthcoming Spanish general election. Noting the persistent stories in the Spanish press (particularly the liberal ''[[El Pais]]'') "of the so-called Fascist International", the New York Times reported the arrest of the Argentine fascist Jorge Cesarsky, linked to both the Fuerza Nueva and to "the right-wing Peronism", and later of his colleague Carlos Perez, a Cuban exile. {{ref|116}} Cesarsky is said to have been a member of the Argentina AAA (Alianza Anticommunista de Argentina) and the next day a new Spanish AAA (Alianza Anticomunista Apostolica) claimed responsibility for his crime. {{ref|117}} He was detained as part of a group of twenty-four rightists reported to be of at least six nationalities, including seven Argentines and three Cubans. {{ref|118}}</div></td></tr>
</table>Robinhttps://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:Transnationalised_Repression_Parafascism_and_the_US&diff=135740&oldid=prevRobin: Text replacement - " Washington Post " to " ''Washington Post'' "2017-12-04T11:11:09Z<p>Text replacement - " Washington Post " to " ''Washington Post'' "</p>
<table class="diff diff-contentalign-left" data-mw="interface">
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">← Older revision</td>
<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">Revision as of 11:11, 4 December 2017</td>
</tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l117" >Line 117:</td>
<td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Line 117:</td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>According to Krogh's detailed 'Outline of Discussion with the President on Drugs', the President agreed to 'forceful action in [stopping] International trafficking of heroin in the host country'. Specifically the memorandum of the meeting noted, 'it is anticipated that a material reduction in the supply of heroin to the U.S. can be accomplished through a $100 million (over three years) fund which can be used for clandestine law enforcement activities abroad and for which BNDD would not be accountable. This decisive action is our only hope for destroying or immobilising the highest level of drug traffickers.'....According to Krogh, this [flexible law enforcement..for clandestine activities] would be used for underworld contacts and disruptive tactics, with the eventual goal of destroying those deemed to be heroin traffickers. {{ref|51}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>According to Krogh's detailed 'Outline of Discussion with the President on Drugs', the President agreed to 'forceful action in [stopping] International trafficking of heroin in the host country'. Specifically the memorandum of the meeting noted, 'it is anticipated that a material reduction in the supply of heroin to the U.S. can be accomplished through a $100 million (over three years) fund which can be used for clandestine law enforcement activities abroad and for which BNDD would not be accountable. This decisive action is our only hope for destroying or immobilising the highest level of drug traffickers.'....According to Krogh, this [flexible law enforcement..for clandestine activities] would be used for underworld contacts and disruptive tactics, with the eventual goal of destroying those deemed to be heroin traffickers. {{ref|51}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>According to the Washington Post at least twelve other CIA operatives, all of them first-generation (i.e. naturalised) Americans, joined in this BNDD assassination squad. {{ref|52}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>According to the <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">''</ins>Washington Post<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">'' </ins>at least twelve other CIA operatives, all of them first-generation (i.e. naturalised) Americans, joined in this BNDD assassination squad. {{ref|52}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In the fall of 1971:</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In the fall of 1971:</div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l138" >Line 138:</td>
<td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Line 138:</td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Walter Minnick, the nominal author of 'Reorganisation Plan No 2' that produced DEA, was, with Hunt, Liddy and their superior, David Young, one of the four key figures in the so-called 'Plumbers' at Room 16. It was Young, a former Rockefeller employee, who wrote the orders leading to the first Plumbers break-in at the office of Dr. Fielding (Ellsberg's psychiatrist). It was Young and Minnick with whom [[John Ehrlichman]] discussed the Watergate break-in and cover-up on the Monday morning after the break-in.{{ref|59}} Yet Young, who authorised the break-in, escaped state prosecution for the Fielding break-in by co-operating in a pre-emptive federal indictment; while Minnick, throughout the thousands of words on the Watergate scandals, was never once listed in the index of either the ''[[Washington Post]]'' or the ''[[New York Times]]''.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Walter Minnick, the nominal author of 'Reorganisation Plan No 2' that produced DEA, was, with Hunt, Liddy and their superior, David Young, one of the four key figures in the so-called 'Plumbers' at Room 16. It was Young, a former Rockefeller employee, who wrote the orders leading to the first Plumbers break-in at the office of Dr. Fielding (Ellsberg's psychiatrist). It was Young and Minnick with whom [[John Ehrlichman]] discussed the Watergate break-in and cover-up on the Monday morning after the break-in.{{ref|59}} Yet Young, who authorised the break-in, escaped state prosecution for the Fielding break-in by co-operating in a pre-emptive federal indictment; while Minnick, throughout the thousands of words on the Watergate scandals, was never once listed in the index of either the ''[[Washington Post]]'' or the ''[[New York Times]]''.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The same papers were either reticent or grossly misleading about activities which Hunt and Liddy performed, without Nixon's knowledge, on behalf of Intertel, the private intelligence group now controlling the Nevada casinos of the CIA-linked [[Howard Hughes]] organisation. Woodward and Bernstein of the Washington Post actually used a Hunt story given them by [[Robert Bennett]], the Washington head of the CIA front and [[Howard Hughes]]' [[PR]] firm where Hunt worked at the time, as part of their litany of 'White House horrors'; even though the 'horror' in question - an interview with one [[Clifton DeMotte]] about [[Edward Kennedy]] and [[Chappaquiddick]] - had been suggested to Hunt, not by the White House, but by [[Robert Bennett]] himself. {{ref|60}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The same papers were either reticent or grossly misleading about activities which Hunt and Liddy performed, without Nixon's knowledge, on behalf of Intertel, the private intelligence group now controlling the Nevada casinos of the CIA-linked [[Howard Hughes]] organisation. Woodward and Bernstein of the <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">''</ins>Washington Post<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">'' </ins>actually used a Hunt story given them by [[Robert Bennett]], the Washington head of the CIA front and [[Howard Hughes]]' [[PR]] firm where Hunt worked at the time, as part of their litany of 'White House horrors'; even though the 'horror' in question - an interview with one [[Clifton DeMotte]] about [[Edward Kennedy]] and [[Chappaquiddick]] - had been suggested to Hunt, not by the White House, but by [[Robert Bennett]] himself. {{ref|60}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Senator Baker's Minority Report about this and other CIA aspects of Watergate was, in turn, grossly distorted by the Post. {{ref|61}}. This is hardly surprising; the Baker Report revealed a CIA report from Bennett that Woodward was "suitably grateful" for the DeMotte and other "fine stories" which Bennett had been "feeding" Woodward; and also an arrangement between Bennett and attorney Edward Bennett Williams to "kill off" revelations of the CIA's relationship to Bennett's agency, the Mullen Company. [[Edward Bennett Williams]], the lawyer who previously had done work for the CIA with his and their Mafia contact, [[Robert Maheu]], was, at this time, both the [[attorney]] for the [[Democratic National Committee]] in their suit about Hunt's Watergate break-in, and also the attorney for the ''Washington Post''.{{ref|62}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Senator Baker's Minority Report about this and other CIA aspects of Watergate was, in turn, grossly distorted by the Post. {{ref|61}}. This is hardly surprising; the Baker Report revealed a CIA report from Bennett that Woodward was "suitably grateful" for the DeMotte and other "fine stories" which Bennett had been "feeding" Woodward; and also an arrangement between Bennett and attorney Edward Bennett Williams to "kill off" revelations of the CIA's relationship to Bennett's agency, the Mullen Company. [[Edward Bennett Williams]], the lawyer who previously had done work for the CIA with his and their Mafia contact, [[Robert Maheu]], was, at this time, both the [[attorney]] for the [[Democratic National Committee]] in their suit about Hunt's Watergate break-in, and also the attorney for the ''Washington Post''.{{ref|62}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l491" >Line 491:</td>
<td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Line 491:</td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|73}}. Jaubert p290</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|73}}. Jaubert p290</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|74}}. Kruger p113</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|74}}. Kruger p113</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|75}}. Jack Anderson, Washington Post May 24 1972; in Jaubert, p281</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|75}}. Jack Anderson, <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">''</ins>Washington Post<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">'' </ins>May 24 1972; in Jaubert, p281</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|76}}. Ladislas Farago Aftermath (New York, Avon, 1975) pp204-211, 370, 467</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|76}}. Ladislas Farago Aftermath (New York, Avon, 1975) pp204-211, 370, 467</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|77}}. Farago p467</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#{{note|77}}. Farago p467</div></td></tr>
</table>Robinhttps://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:Transnationalised_Repression_Parafascism_and_the_US&diff=135698&oldid=prevRobin: Text replacement - " New York Times " to " ''New York Times'' "2017-12-04T10:55:56Z<p>Text replacement - " <a href="/wiki/New_York_Times" title="New York Times">New York Times</a> " to " ''<a href="/wiki/New_York_Times" title="New York Times">New York Times</a>'' "</p>
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">Revision as of 10:55, 4 December 2017</td>
</tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l55" >Line 55:</td>
<td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Line 55:</td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>For years Anslinger would uncritically transmit KMT propaganda about a world-wide Red Chinese opium conspiracy and document it persuasively with evidence of what he knew very well was in fact the KMT's own narcotics traffic. Thus, Anslinger would use the term 'Yunnan Opium' to describe the opium grown under KMT auspices in Burma, Laos and Thailand; and would document the involvement of officials from the Bank of Canton, without noting that this was controlled by the Soong family of Taiwan. {{ref|13}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>For years Anslinger would uncritically transmit KMT propaganda about a world-wide Red Chinese opium conspiracy and document it persuasively with evidence of what he knew very well was in fact the KMT's own narcotics traffic. Thus, Anslinger would use the term 'Yunnan Opium' to describe the opium grown under KMT auspices in Burma, Laos and Thailand; and would document the involvement of officials from the Bank of Canton, without noting that this was controlled by the Soong family of Taiwan. {{ref|13}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Supporting these misleading charges, George White announced, in 1959, the breaking of what was reported in the [[New York Times]] as "the biggest Chinese narcotics operation 'that we've come across'". White also spoke of 270 pounds of [[heroin]] "most of it from a vast poppy field near Chungking". {{ref|14}} Only in the local San Francisco papers, where the arrests and the trial occurred, did one learn that a key co-conspirator in the case (not prosecuted) was Chung Wing Fong, identified as a former official in Chinatown's powerful Six Companies (key overseas KMT supporters) and also of the [[Chinese Anti-Communist League]] here. {{ref|15}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Supporting these misleading charges, George White announced, in 1959, the breaking of what was reported in the <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">''</ins>[[New York Times]]<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">'' </ins>as "the biggest Chinese narcotics operation 'that we've come across'". White also spoke of 270 pounds of [[heroin]] "most of it from a vast poppy field near Chungking". {{ref|14}} Only in the local San Francisco papers, where the arrests and the trial occurred, did one learn that a key co-conspirator in the case (not prosecuted) was Chung Wing Fong, identified as a former official in Chinatown's powerful Six Companies (key overseas KMT supporters) and also of the [[Chinese Anti-Communist League]] here. {{ref|15}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The Chinese [[Anti-Communist League]] was, in fact, a U.S. branch of the KMT's world- wide intelligence network. Fong, a former President of the pro-KMT Hip Sing tong, had been spared arrest by timely U.S. Government intervention. When he visited Hong Kong in 1958 "the American consul in Hong Kong seized his passport and he was ordered to Taipei/Taiwan". He and others were then named as unindicted co-conspirators "because they are out of U.S. jurisdiction." {{ref|16}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The Chinese [[Anti-Communist League]] was, in fact, a U.S. branch of the KMT's world- wide intelligence network. Fong, a former President of the pro-KMT Hip Sing tong, had been spared arrest by timely U.S. Government intervention. When he visited Hong Kong in 1958 "the American consul in Hong Kong seized his passport and he was ordered to Taipei/Taiwan". He and others were then named as unindicted co-conspirators "because they are out of U.S. jurisdiction." {{ref|16}}</div></td></tr>
</table>Robinhttps://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:Transnationalised_Repression_Parafascism_and_the_US&diff=134122&oldid=prevRobin: fix2017-11-21T16:53:45Z<p>fix</p>
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">Revision as of 16:53, 21 November 2017</td>
</tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l173" >Line 173:</td>
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<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>===Post-war Nazi Networks and the United States===</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>===Post-war Nazi Networks and the United States===</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The evidence, in short, suggests that while individuals like David, Chiappe and Ricord can rise and fall, the connection in Latin America between narcotics and para-legal repression is an old and enduring one. In its post-war phase it can be traced to the exfiltration to Latin America of wanted Nazi war criminals and their collaborators. Ricord himself, arriving in Paraguay via a Nazi escape route, had been one. {{ref|76}} Originally arriving in Latin America thanks to networks like Die Spinne with the collaboration of such eminences as Gustav Frupp von Bohlen and Vatican titular Bishop Alois Hudal, a few of these in situ anti-Communist 'assets' turned to narcotics and gun running. {{ref|77}} Of these, a ringleader was the wanted Nazi mass murderer Klaus Barbie, alias Altmann, who prospered in Bolivia until 1972 as the business partner of the Admiral in charge of Bolivia's 'navy'. Ricord's Latin American traffics were associated with the Barbie-Schwend Nazi narcotics gun running network, which in turn had been financed by illegal wartime Nazi operations. {{ref|78}} Author William Stevenson has charged that "the normal police investigative agencies of Britain andthe United States" were "hamstrung" in their pursuit of this illicit network: "it seemed as if the bureaucrats, the Establishment intelligence agencies, and the departments concerned with foreign affairs had intervened". {{ref|79}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The evidence, in short, suggests that while individuals like David, Chiappe and Ricord can rise and fall, the connection in Latin America between narcotics and para-legal repression is an old and enduring one. In its post-war phase it can be traced to the exfiltration to Latin America of wanted Nazi war criminals and their collaborators. Ricord himself, arriving in Paraguay via a Nazi escape route, had been one. {{ref|76}} Originally arriving in Latin America thanks to networks like <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Die Spinne<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] </ins>with the collaboration of such eminences as <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Gustav Frupp von Bohlen<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] </ins>and Vatican titular Bishop <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Alois Hudal<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]]</ins>, a few of these in situ anti-Communist 'assets' turned to narcotics and <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>gun running<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]]</ins>. {{ref|77}} Of these, a ringleader was the wanted Nazi mass murderer <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Klaus Barbie<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]]</ins>, alias Altmann, who prospered in Bolivia until 1972 as the business partner of the Admiral in charge of Bolivia's 'navy'. Ricord's Latin American traffics were associated with the Barbie-Schwend Nazi narcotics gun running network, which in turn had been financed by illegal wartime Nazi operations. {{ref|78}} Author <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>William Stevenson<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] </ins>has charged that "the normal police investigative agencies of Britain andthe United States" were "hamstrung" in their pursuit of this illicit network: "it seemed as if the bureaucrats, the Establishment intelligence agencies, and the departments concerned with foreign affairs had intervened". {{ref|79}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The key to this Allied protection of post-war Nazi networks, Stevenson shrewdly surmised, was the U.S. decision in 1945 to take over and subsidise the Nazi intelligence network of General [[Reinhard von Gehlen]]. Gehlen in turn helped place numerous former Nazis as his agents in other countries, some (like Barbie) as employees of import-export firms established by his own agency, others as local representatives of Krupp, Daimler-Benz and other large West German firms. The Gehlen network, financed by the CIA but not directly controlled by it, soon had agents employed in a number of activities in violation of U.S. law, from illegal arms sales and narcotics trafficking (the two often going together) to murder.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The key to this Allied protection of post-war Nazi networks, Stevenson shrewdly surmised, was the U.S. decision in 1945 to take over and subsidise the Nazi intelligence network of General [[Reinhard von Gehlen]]. Gehlen in turn helped place numerous former Nazis as his agents in other countries, some (like Barbie) as employees of import-export firms established by his own agency, others as local representatives of Krupp, Daimler-Benz and other large West German firms. The Gehlen network, financed by the CIA but not directly controlled by it, soon had agents employed in a number of activities in violation of U.S. law, from illegal arms sales and narcotics trafficking (the two often going together) to murder.</div></td></tr>
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<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Falcon started to create his huge ring in 1973, and the Mexican police started to watch his operations from the beginning of 1975. He was operating from a house in Cuernavaca, 50 miles south of [[Mexico City]]. Almost daily he had long visits from one of his neighbours, and the Mexican police decided to find out the identity of the visitor who was trying to hide his face under large hats and behind sunglasses. One day agents got hold of a bottle which had been in the hands of the visiting neighbour. They sent the bottle to the FBI and the answer was quick - the man was [[Sam Giancana]]. Falcon was arrested and Giancana sent back to the U.S. where he was killed one year after his return. In Sicilia Falcon's house the Mexican police found papers from two Swiss [[banks]] telling that Falcon had $260 million in the bank. In April 1976 Falcon and three of his top gang members escaped jail through a 97 meter tunnel, dug by outsiders and lit up with electric light. Three days later Falcon was caught again. According to Der Spiegel he told his full story under torture-like conditions, and, after spelling it out, he said he was afraid that the CIA would kill him. He demanded to be brought to an isolated cell under special guard in the newest prison 'Reclusorio Norte'.{{ref|86}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Falcon started to create his huge ring in 1973, and the Mexican police started to watch his operations from the beginning of 1975. He was operating from a house in Cuernavaca, 50 miles south of [[Mexico City]]. Almost daily he had long visits from one of his neighbours, and the Mexican police decided to find out the identity of the visitor who was trying to hide his face under large hats and behind sunglasses. One day agents got hold of a bottle which had been in the hands of the visiting neighbour. They sent the bottle to the FBI and the answer was quick - the man was [[Sam Giancana]]. Falcon was arrested and Giancana sent back to the U.S. where he was killed one year after his return. In Sicilia Falcon's house the Mexican police found papers from two Swiss [[banks]] telling that Falcon had $260 million in the bank. In April 1976 Falcon and three of his top gang members escaped jail through a 97 meter tunnel, dug by outsiders and lit up with electric light. Three days later Falcon was caught again. According to Der Spiegel he told his full story under torture-like conditions, and, after spelling it out, he said he was afraid that the CIA would kill him. He demanded to be brought to an isolated cell under special guard in the newest prison 'Reclusorio Norte'.{{ref|86}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>If ''[[Der Spiegel]]'''s charges are correct. they suggest a possible explanation for ''[[Playboy]]'''s disturbing charges that DEA officials close to Intertel (and hence, it must be said, to the CIA), were shielding a Mafia higher-up in the Mexican heroin connection (a man who coincidentally happened to have graduated, like [[Sam Giancana]], from the [[Chicago Mafia]]). It would appear that in the mid 1970s, as in the 1940s, the U.S. turned for help in combating the Left to the milieux of right-wing parafascist gangsterism (such as the [[Aginter Press]] - of whom more shortly) and of narcotics. Indeed, the more closely we look at the evidence, the more such disturbing alliances appear to have been, not just occasional, but virtually continuous.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>If ''[[Der Spiegel]]''<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline"><nowiki/></ins>'s charges are correct. they suggest a possible explanation for ''[[Playboy]]'''s disturbing charges that DEA officials close to Intertel (and hence, it must be said, to the CIA), were shielding a Mafia higher-up in the Mexican heroin connection (a man who coincidentally happened to have graduated, like [[Sam Giancana]], from the [[Chicago Mafia]]). It would appear that in the mid 1970s, as in the 1940s, the U.S. turned for help in combating the Left to the milieux of right-wing parafascist gangsterism (such as the [[Aginter Press]] - of whom more shortly) and of narcotics. Indeed, the more closely we look at the evidence, the more such disturbing alliances appear to have been, not just occasional, but virtually continuous.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Even if we ignore the ''Der Spiegel'' story, there are many indications that the [[United States]] has repeatedly used, and hence encouraged, the parafascist successors (such as [[Aginter Press]]) of the Nazis who escaped after [[World War 2]] to [[Latin America]]. On the surface the opposite might appear to be the case, since the global U.S. interest in multinational trade and capital movements has tended to oppose post-war variants of fascism as a state ideology - most notably Peronism in Argentina. But where Communism - either indigenous or international - is feared, parafascism, even where mistrusted by the U.S. as a form of government, has still been supported and used by the CIA as an 'asset' or resource.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Even if we ignore the ''Der Spiegel'' story, there are many indications that the [[United States]] has repeatedly used, and hence encouraged, the parafascist successors (such as [[Aginter Press]]) of the Nazis who escaped after [[World War 2]] to [[Latin America]]. On the surface the opposite might appear to be the case, since the global U.S. interest in multinational trade and capital movements has tended to oppose post-war variants of fascism as a state <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>ideology<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] </ins>- most notably Peronism in Argentina. But where <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Communism<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] </ins>- either indigenous or international - is feared, parafascism, even where mistrusted by the U.S. as a form of government, has still been supported and used by the CIA as an 'asset' or resource.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>===The Case of Otto Skorzeny===</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>===The Case of Otto Skorzeny===</div></td></tr>
</table>Robinhttps://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:Transnationalised_Repression_Parafascism_and_the_US&diff=134115&oldid=prevRobin: many links2017-11-21T16:15:10Z<p>many links</p>
<a href="https://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:Transnationalised_Repression_Parafascism_and_the_US&diff=134115&oldid=117165">Show changes</a>Robinhttps://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:Transnationalised_Repression_Parafascism_and_the_US&diff=117165&oldid=prevRobin: Text replacement - "19th century" to "19<sup>th</sup> century"2017-07-05T03:53:24Z<p>Text replacement - "19th century" to "19<sup>th</sup> century"</p>
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">Revision as of 03:53, 5 July 2017</td>
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<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>But even this proposal, which goes to the heart of the bureaucratic problem, is not likely by itself to lead to any solution. As I have tried to show, the problem is not simply a bureaucratic one, but rooted (particularly since Vietnam) in underlying dilemmas arising from perceptions of economic crisis and uncertainty, even though this economic crisis itself grows out of social distortions whose origins are themselves partly bureaucratic.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>But even this proposal, which goes to the heart of the bureaucratic problem, is not likely by itself to lead to any solution. As I have tried to show, the problem is not simply a bureaucratic one, but rooted (particularly since Vietnam) in underlying dilemmas arising from perceptions of economic crisis and uncertainty, even though this economic crisis itself grows out of social distortions whose origins are themselves partly bureaucratic.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>One need turn only to informed Marxist critiques of the current U.S. economic crisis - e.g. the Monthly Review. Professor Gilpin of Princeton, whose authority is recognised by such establishment audiences as the Senate Labour Committee and the Council on Foreign Relations, has persuasively challenged the establishment assumption that foreign direct investment by U.S. multinational corporations, or what simpler souls might call imperialism, is in the larger U.S. national interest. {{ref|156}} He has argued that, as in the case of Rome or <del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">19th </del>century Britain, investment abroad has led to</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>One need turn only to informed Marxist critiques of the current U.S. economic crisis - e.g. the Monthly Review. Professor Gilpin of Princeton, whose authority is recognised by such establishment audiences as the Senate Labour Committee and the Council on Foreign Relations, has persuasively challenged the establishment assumption that foreign direct investment by U.S. multinational corporations, or what simpler souls might call imperialism, is in the larger U.S. national interest. {{ref|156}} He has argued that, as in the case of Rome or <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">19<sup>th</sup> </ins>century Britain, investment abroad has led to</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>technological and hence economic stultification at home (with, some might add, a concomitant political stultification as well). In the past this exhaustion of technological opportunities has led first to intensified mercantilistic struggle - i.e. economic nationalism and competition - which we appear to be on the brink of repeating, and the rejuvenating catastrophe of war. {{ref|157}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>technological and hence economic stultification at home (with, some might add, a concomitant political stultification as well). In the past this exhaustion of technological opportunities has led first to intensified mercantilistic struggle - i.e. economic nationalism and competition - which we appear to be on the brink of repeating, and the rejuvenating catastrophe of war. {{ref|157}}</div></td></tr>
</table>Robinhttps://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:Transnationalised_Repression_Parafascism_and_the_US&diff=114331&oldid=prevRobin: Text replacement - " Morton Halperin" to " Morton Halperin"2017-05-20T16:35:52Z<p>Text replacement - " Morton Halperin" to " <a href="/wiki/Morton_Halperin" title="Morton Halperin">Morton Halperin</a>"</p>
<table class="diff diff-contentalign-left" data-mw="interface">
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">Revision as of 16:35, 20 May 2017</td>
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<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Thus, while agreeing with Klare's call for new hearings into CIA links with foreign intelligence and paramilitary organisations (such hearings should cover all U.S. agencies, including DEA), I would go further. The evidence already strongly suggests that the CIA's 'world-wide infrastructure' of political influence has repeatedly served to foster right-wing coups, foreign and domestic lobbies for repression, arms sales, and, most recently, wars by proxy.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Thus, while agreeing with Klare's call for new hearings into CIA links with foreign intelligence and paramilitary organisations (such hearings should cover all U.S. agencies, including DEA), I would go further. The evidence already strongly suggests that the CIA's 'world-wide infrastructure' of political influence has repeatedly served to foster right-wing coups, foreign and domestic lobbies for repression, arms sales, and, most recently, wars by proxy.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>I agree, therefore, with the more radical conclusions of Morton Halperin and his colleagues in another Washington [[think tank]], the [[Centre for National Security Studies]], that it is time to end the [[clandestine government]], with its consequent lawlessness, which is represented by the secret charter of the U.S. intelligence agencies.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>I agree, therefore, with the more radical conclusions of <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Morton Halperin<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] </ins>and his colleagues in another Washington [[think tank]], the [[Centre for National Security Studies]], that it is time to end the [[clandestine government]], with its consequent lawlessness, which is represented by the secret charter of the U.S. intelligence agencies.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The recent exposures have revealed a reality that does not come close to justifying the wounds that clandestine government inevitably inflicts on the body politic ... Spies and covert action are counterproductive as tools of international relations. The costs are too high; the returns too meagre. Covert action and spies should be banned and the CIA's Clandestine Services Branch disbanded .......</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The recent exposures have revealed a reality that does not come close to justifying the wounds that clandestine government inevitably inflicts on the body politic ... Spies and covert action are counterproductive as tools of international relations. The costs are too high; the returns too meagre. Covert action and spies should be banned and the CIA's Clandestine Services Branch disbanded .......</div></td></tr>
</table>Robin